Socio-political Aspects of Minorities' Life in the Baltic States as an Example of Multicultural Clash between Neighbouring Nations and Difficulties in the Institutionalisation of the Three Political Systems

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 Paweł Rogaliński

Poniżej przedstawiam tekst mojej pracy z konferencji „Intercultural Communication in the European Context” organizowanej przez Wyższą Szkołę Studiów Międzynarodowych w Łodzi. Niebawem ukaże się publikacja pokonferencyjna pod tym samym tytułem.

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The Baltic Nations, namely: the Republic of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, are the three countries that struggle with constant internal problems, mostly evoked by international relations and powerful minority groups. Their governments have to face Russian political and economic sanctions. Yet, they also seem to provoke conflicts with the neighbouring countries by their own attitude. Is the anti-Polish and anti-Russian policy right? Are they stretching the history and persecuting minorities or is it just an effort to strengthen the independence of the three, small nations, and thanks to that preserving their culture and language? The purpose of this paper is to investigate all aspects of minorities’ existence in the Baltic States.







1. Introduction: minorities, or rather majorities?



From the earliest times falling victims to their stronger neighbours, the Baltic States have managed to survive and, what is more, revive, to a huge extent, their language and culture. This was not easy, as the lion’s share of their artists, writers, scientists and politicians for ages felt to be at heart members of different nationalities. It derived from the fact that a huge part of nobility living there were of different origin, or believed to be so, and Lithuanians, Latvians, and Estonians were not able to change this. 



The early 20th century showed that the situation was serious. The census of 1931 reveals that in the Wilno Voivodeship (Vilnius and the area around), Poles made up merely 66% of the total population and there were not even 1% (about 0,8%) of Lithuanians. Between 1944 and 1950, 80% of Poles living in the city were forcibly expelled and made to move to Poland. Yet, even today, in the Vilnius district municipality, people of Polish origin make up for about 61,3% of the population, whereas in some cities (e.g. Soleczniki) the number of Poles exceeds 80%.  



The two other capitals have to face a quite similar problem: in Riga, Latvians make up for only 42% of the whole population and the same do Russians (41,7%). In the capital of Estonia, Tallin, there are still 28% of Russians and 7% of other minorities. However, if we include the rest of the countries’ populations (in all three cases), the data looks a bit better, which does not mean that it prevents the problem from arising.  



2. A brief history of the struggle for political and cultural independence

 Paweł Rogaliński

The Lithuanian State was created by a unition of lands by Mindaugas (also: Mendog, Mindowe). Never-ending wars with Teutonic Knights made Lithuanians seek for alliances. In 1386, the Grand Duke of Lithuania, Jogaila, married Polish king Jadwiga (she was crowned a king, because a law did not allow a queen to rule the country). Several days later, Jogaila became the King of Poland – Władysław II Jagiełło. For the next few centuries, a personal union was tightened, which brought a widespread polonization to Lithuanian nobility. As a result, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth started to be called simply Poland, applying the pars pro toto synecdoche.



During the golden age, borders of the country were stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea and its territory included today’s: Poland, Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine, and partly Latvia, Estonia, Russia, Moldavia and Slovakia. In 1791, the Constitution of May 3 was implemented, which created an officially united country – Poland. Later, as a result of partitions of Poland (by Russia, Prussia and Austria), the nation (Polish and Lithuanian together) was acting underground for 123 years of occupation. The interwar period showed that to a great extent polonized Lithuanians did not want to create a joint country any more. It was mostly because of the fact that they were afraid of losing their cultural independence. What is more, their hatred towards Poland started when it turned out that Vilnius, in a vast majority inhabited by Poles, lay in the newly created Second Commonwealth.



For all the time till in 1918 Latvia and Estonia proclaimed independence, both countries were called Livonia (or: Inflants). The land was inhabited by Finnic people, ruled by the upper class of Baltic Germans. Livonia was a bone of contention between Poland, Sweden and Russia, thus nobility living there was once polonized, the other time russified. Constant wars and changing hands did not allow Livonians to create their own language and culture in peace and develop. 

 Paweł Rogaliński

Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact divided Eastern Europe into spheres of influence. The Soviet Union absorbed Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Finland defended itself, but Poland (with Wilno Voivodeship) was attacked by both: the Nazi Germany and the USSR. Soviet, German and again Soviet occupation brought much loss. After World War II, Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian Soviet Socialistic Republics were created. The three societies had been being russified for merely half a century till 1990, when they declared the restitution of their independence. Totally destroyed economy and huge minority groups became the main problems of the newly created, weak governments. The future seemed to be uncertain .

 

3. Multicultural clash – minorities and the problem of citizenship



Estonia, just like the other two Baltic States, is very often accused of ethnic discrimination. Many Russians experience job and salary discrimination, as it is still required to know Estonian language when applying for a job. What is more, minorities in Estonia are de facto excluded from the educational system and the labour market. Amnesty International claims that the evidence of such a discriminating policy may be the high unemployment rate among Russians (almost 13% in 2005), whereas there is only 5% of unemployed ethnic Estonians. Russian officials try to discuss this problem on international forums and conferences, but as long as intergovernmental organisations declare that there is no discrimination, nothing will be changed.



According to Estonian law, residents without citizenship (not only Russians, but also thousands of Poles and other minorities) are not allowed to vote in elections to the national parliament (Riigikogu) or European Parliament elections. In 1992 such people made up for 32% of the total population; in 2007, the number of residents who lacked any form of citizenship was merely 8.5%. Why statelessness is such a big problem in Estonia? Why all those people cannot ask for citizenship? The answer is easy – language tests are so difficult, that it is too hard for many minorities’ members (who do not really want to learn Estonian) to pass. 



For almost two decades of Estonian independence election results have not differed much. About 60% would always choose left-wing parties, whereas 40% – rightists. Although the results show the strength of the first group, governments have always been right-wing, because of the way of creating coalitions. The policy was both: lacking extensive social programs, and economically stable. Rightists knew that allowing Russians to vote would not only deprive them of power, but also let pro-minorities left-wing parties decide on the state policy. 



The situation in Latvia is very similar. Russians, living mainly in urban areas, are not granted citizenships and they still have an alien status. Although Russians make up over 50% of total population in some cities (54 % in the second biggest city Daugavpils), Russian is still defined as a foreign language. The fact that a good deal of Latvians know Russian very well is only another nail in the coffin of the local peace as it confirms a severe linguistic discrimination. The other side of the coin is that Russia may easily use the issue for its political purposes.



In contrast to Latvia and Estonia, Lithuania granted its citizenship to all the people living in the country. It was not required to know Lithuanian at all. The later accession to international organizations (NATO, EU), required further changes. The European Union made every effort to push through a new policy towards minorities in the Baltic Countries. Lithuania was expected to adjust a law concerning citizenship to the EU standards. New Russian political parties were created in both: Latvia (For Human Rights in United Latvia and National Harmony Party) and Estonia (Constitution Party). They are left-wing social democrats who support Russian language rights.  



Russians, knowing that the three governments would like to get rid of “aliens”, jumped at an occasion and, just after the accession of Baltic Countries to the EU on May 1, 2004, they decided to move to other, more tolerant member states. They chose mostly Ireland and the Great Britain. Now they hold EU passports and, in many cities, they have created Russian-speaking ghettoes.



Tense relations between Baltic Countries and Russia have exerted influence on bilateral threats and heated exchange between politicians of both sides. When in 2007 Estonian authorities decided to relocate the Bronze Soldier of Tallin (originally called: Monument to the Liberators of Tallinn), Russia criticized the idea heavily. When cyber attacks on Estonia occurred (later called Estonian Cyberwar), the authorities, admitting that they had no evidence, accused Russia of managing it. Two years later, Konstantin Goloskokov, a pro-Kremlin loyalist admitted that it had been him and his hacker-friends who had conducted a cyber-raid on Estonian web sites. Goloskokov claimed that it had been only an act of civil disobedience and an attempt to protest against Estonian authorities’ decision. 



 A Polish expert on Baltic States, Agata Włodarska, claims that all these situations are the results of brutal governmental politics and make ethnic minorities play a secondary role in the three societies. Depriving Russians of contribution to the decision-making process is not only harmful to thousands of people, but also wrongdoing to all three states. However, their policy has understandable grounds – by putting into force catchwords like: “Latvia for Latvians” and “Estonia for Estonians”, they may be sure that nobody will influence the legislature of the Baltic Nations. 



4. Polish minority



The life of Poles in Estonia is focused around the Catholic Church, which helps to preserve their culture and language. Yet, on the other hand this causes fostering “old” values and strong devotion to tradition. For Polish minority, it is extremely important to know their forefathers’ history. Assimilation and integration with the local society is perceived as losing the Polish identity. What is more, it is a great honour for the minority that John Paul II was their compatriot, that there are so many Poles awarded with the Nobel Prize, and that their homeland has so much influence (in comparison with the state’s actual total area) on the European policy .



Basing on Tomasz Biernat’s book on Baltic societies, Poles living in Latvia believe that the nation there is reserved, introverted and sceptical. What is more, Latvians do not like newcomers as they are highly inhospitable. Their nationalistic and conformist nature is their minor disadvantage. However, Poles living in Latvia claim these people to be inferior (as they did not have their own country till 1918 and, importantly, that their nation derives from peasantry who have never created its own nobility). Latvians, who have never played an important role in the history of Europe, are believed to have always been slaves or serfs of foreign superstates (such as Poland, Russia, Germany or Sweden). Even though the Polish minority does not like that nation, they claim Latvians are hard-working and have a good taste in music. 



Poles believe they themselves are a noble nation, which very often helps others selflessly. Because they are idealists, they do not care about money as much as about freedom, equality and justice. They perceive themselves as very brave, but at the same time lazy and subject to barratry. Poland is perceived as a wealthy western country, whose Kresy (meaning: “borderlands” or “outskirts”) were wrongly annexed mainly by the Soviet Union (and then given to Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and so on). That is why Russians are treated by both: Poles and Latvians like aggressors. Moreover, phrases like: “this Latvian”, “this Russian” or “he is a typical Latvian http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11 Russian” are claimed to be rather pejorative. 



In Latvia, as well as in Lithuania, the authorities tended to use gerrymandering. In Latvia it was created against Russians, whereas Lithuanians decided to stigmatize their recent “brothers” and allies – Poles. All the country and municipal boundaries were changed in order to reduce the strong influence of Polish minority during elections. Lithuanians wanted to be sure that no Polish candidates would get strong support in the country. They were and they still are afraid that Polish minority would try to challenge Lithuanian local authorities. Another evident case of antipolosim is the decision of Lithuania’s Supreme Administrative Court. It has recently ruled that street signs with Polish language names must be removed as they are against the law. In some regions of Lithuania, Poles are in a great majority and such step is not only a vivid discrimination against them, but also it may be seen as an overdid and racist action on behalf of maintaining the absolute Lithuanian rule. 



Another xenophobic decision against “Polonia” diaspora is not accepting the Polish version of surnames and transforming them so that they sound more Lithuanian-like. In this way a leader of Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania, Waldemar Tomaszewski, would be called Valdemar Tomaševski, which is a complete nonsense.



Last but not least, the Baltic nation examined all remarkable Poles who were born in Lithuania and, judging by their biography, decided whether to praise or condemn them. As a result, the leader of Second Republic of Poland, Józef Piłsudski, who was born in Zułów (a village close to Vilnius), is perceived as an enemy of the Lithuanian nation, because it was he who liberated (in a huge majority Polish) Vilnius from the Soviet occupation and annexed it to his country. Today, post offices in Lithuania sell postcards with an image of Hitler, Stalin and Piłsudski together, with a deceitful inscription: “The great organisers of genocide of Lithuanian nation”. 



The other way of fighting the minority is usurping rights to greatest Poles. Such a situation occurs in the case of a great romantic poet, Adam Mickiewicz, who, not only had a Polish surname (Lithuanians meretriciously rendered it into “Adomas Mickevičius“), but also wrote his works in the Polish language. He lived in the times when his mother country was partitioned, yet he was born in Lithuania, which used to be a part of Poland (and was treated in the same way as eg. Silesia). Nevertheless, Mickiewicz once used words: “Lithuania, my fatherland! You are as good health” (in original version: “Litwo! Ojczyzno moja! ty jesteś jak zdrowie”), which later Lithuanian authorities interpreted it as an example of his love for their country. Yet, it seems that Mickiewicz used the word “Lithuania” meaning a region in Poland. Thus, today all around the world (except the territory of Lithuania) Mickiewicz is generally known as a Polish poet.



5. Difficulties in the institutionalisation of the three political systems

 Paweł Rogaliński

Societal cleavages are so vivid in the three countries that they hinder the process of institutionalisation of their political systems. Antiestablishment movements very often question legitimization of ruling elites. Constant fights and carrying on a battle of words between nations lead to hatred and racism. The best example of this is the international case of mentioned earlier, namely the Bronze Soldier of Tallin and the following cyberwar.

 

Another problem occurred when a major European petrol retailer and an oil refiner, PKN Orlen, bought in 2006 Lithuanian Możejki (Mažeiki? Nafta – both: oil processing plant and oil refineries) and, thanks to that, it “rescued” the Baltic country from the dependency on Russia (which was also interested in buying Możejki). Now, as a result of the economic recession, Polish PKN Orlen considers selling it to Russia’s largest oil company – Lukoil. Such step would weaken to a great extent Lithuania’s foreign policy (as Vilnius’s hands would be tied during talks with Russian authorities – otherwise it would have consequences for their energy security). Poles have not yet decided what to do, because they know what the consequences of such an act could be. 



Until recently being economical “tigers” of Europe, the Baltic States now suffer from a very deep financial crisis. This year their economy is going to decrease: in Lithuania by 16%, Latvia by 19% and Estonia – 15%. Lithuanians in force come to Polish shops and buy cheaper products, which strengthens Polish economy and deteriorates the first mentioned. Strong cleavages between nations in the three countries are quickly politisized and used by political parties, which only worsen the situation, as the countries are not able to effectively implement new bills and hamper the crisis. Only by changing their minds and cooperating with their stronger neighbours can they achieve success and lessen this political tension in Central Europe.



6. Conclusions and summary



The short-range Baltic States’ policy of punitivism causes many disagreements with Russia and Poland. In case of Russia’s embargo or takeover of Możejki, Baltic Countries may fall victim only because of their aggressive anti-Russian and anti-Polish steps. Russia Federation is a country with strong oligarchisation of its politics and economy, so major decisions are taken by individuals, who do not care so much about money than policy of the country (in other words pragmatism is not the most important factor of decision-making in Russia). Thus it is much more “dangerous” for Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia.

 Paweł Rogaliński

The Baltic States’ decision to make their policy more lenient would be the best way to fix their relationships with Poles and Russians. Multilateral benefits would be visible very shortly after making such a step. Central Europe must cooperate and speak with one voice if it wants to be a leading competitor in the EU. Inexplicable and xenophobic actions should be immediately changed to peaceful discussion. As it was said by a religious leader and a philosopher Gautama Buddha:



“Better than a thousand hollow words

Is one word that brings peace. 

Better than a thousand hollow verses

Is one verse that brings peace.

Better than a hundred hollow lines

Is one line of the law, bringing peace”. 





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  ‘Population by some ethnicities by county and municipality’ Statistikos Departamentas, 11 April 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11www.stat.gov.lthttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11enhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11pageshttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11viewhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11?id=1732>.

  ‘About Riga’ Municipal Portal of Riga, 12 May 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11www.riga.lvhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11ENhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11Channelshttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11About_Rigahttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11History_of_Rigahttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11Chronologyhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11VissenakieLaiki.htm>.

  Vieda Skultans, The Testimony of Lives: Narrative and memory in post-soviet Latvia, New York-London, Routledge, 1998: 10-15.

  Jacek Jakubowski, Polacy w Estonii: Przeszłość i Teraźniejszość, Gdańsk-Lublin, Studio Komputerowo-Wydawnice Bamka, 2004: 45-48.

  Edward Walenwadr, Polacy w Estonii, Lublin, Towarzystwo Naukowe Katolickiego Uniwerystetu Lubelskiego, 1998: 372-375.

  Maeve McMahon, Everyday Life After Communism: Some Observations from Lithuania, Pittsburgh, The Carl Beck Papers, 2002: 8-10.

  Mindaugas Jurkynas, Political and Social Conflicts In Lithuania: Searching for the Lefthttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11Right Dimension and Cleavages, Gdańsk-Berlin, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego Nordeuropa-Institut der Humboldt-Universitat zu Berlin, 2003: 25-28.

  Andrew Roche ‘Kremlin loyalist says launched Estonia cyber-attack’, Reuters 13 March 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11www.reuters.comhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11articlehttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11technologyNewshttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11idUSTRE52B4D820090313?pageNumber=2&virtualBrandChannel=0>. 

  Agata Włodarska, Transformation and Evolution of the Political Systems in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia between 1991 and 2004, Łódź, Katedra Systemów Politycznych Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2007: 24.

  Jacek Jakubowski, Polacy w Estonii: Przeszłość i teraźniejszość, Gdańsk-Lublin, Studio Komputerowo-Wydawnicze Bamka, 2004: 249-262.

  Tomasz Biernat, Być Polakiem na Łotwie: Świat życia codziennego, Toruń, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2003: 68-69.

  Ibidem., ss. 70-71.

  ‘Litwa: Antypolski Krok Władz Wilna’, PAP 14 April 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11wiadomosci.onet.plhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/111928608,12,item.html>.

  Artur Górski ‘Interpelacja nr 2505’, 09 September 2008 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11www.gover.plhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11k6http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11poslowiehttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11szczegolyInterpelacjihttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11poselhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11gorski-arturhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11interpelacjahttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11zapytanie-w-sprawie-wydania-na-litwie-pocztowki-przypisuj-261-cej-marsza-322-kowi-jozefowi-pi-322-sudskiemu-ludobojstwo-narodu-l>.

  ‘Orlen sprzedaje Możejki’ PAP, 10 April 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11gielda.onet.plhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/110,1952081,wiadomosci.html>.

  ‘Litewskie media: prognozy gospodarcze KE są zbyt optymistyczne’ PAP, 15 June 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11biznes.onet.plhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/112,1964616,wiadomosci.html>.

  ‘Litwa: sieci handlowe chcą zmienić zwyczaje obywateli’ IAR, 11 May 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11biznes.onet.plhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/110,1968221,wiadomosci.html>.

  27 May 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11www.quoteland.comhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11topic.asp?CATEGORY_ID=418>.



‘Population by some ethnicities by county and municipality' Statistikos Departamentas, 11 April 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11www.stat.gov.lthttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11enhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11pageshttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11viewhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11?id=1732>.

‘About Riga' Municipal Portal of Riga, 12 May 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11www.riga.lvhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11ENhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11Channelshttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11About_Rigahttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11History_of_Rigahttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11Chronologyhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11VissenakieLaiki.htm>.

Vieda Skultans, The Testimony of Lives: Narrative and memory in post-soviet Latvia, New York-London, Routledge, 1998: 10-15.

Jacek Jakubowski, Polacy w Estonii: Przeszłość i Teraźniejszość, Gdańsk-Lublin, Studio Komputerowo-Wydawnice Bamka, 2004: 45-48.

Edward Walenwadr, Polacy w Estonii, Lublin, Towarzystwo Naukowe Katolickiego Uniwerystetu Lubelskiego, 1998: 372-375.

Maeve McMahon, Everyday Life After Communism: Some Observations from Lithuania, Pittsburgh, The Carl Beck Papers, 2002: 8-10.

Mindaugas Jurkynas, Political and Social Conflicts In Lithuania: Searching for the Lefthttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11Right Dimension and Cleavages, Gdańsk-Berlin, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego Nordeuropa-Institut der Humboldt-Universitat zu Berlin, 2003: 25-28.

Andrew Roche ‘Kremlin loyalist says launched Estonia cyber-attack', Reuters 13 March 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11www.reuters.comhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11articlehttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11technologyNewshttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11idUSTRE52B4D820090313?pageNumber=2&virtualBrandChannel=0>.

Agata Włodarska, Transformation and Evolution of the Political Systems in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia between 1991 and 2004, Łódź, Katedra Systemów Politycznych Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2007: 24.

Jacek Jakubowski, Polacy w Estonii: Przeszłość i teraźniejszość, Gdańsk-Lublin, Studio Komputerowo-Wydawnicze Bamka, 2004: 249-262.

Tomasz Biernat, Być Polakiem na Łotwie: Świat życia codziennego, Toruń, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2003: 68-69.

Ibidem., ss. 70-71.

‘Litwa: Antypolski Krok Władz Wilna', PAP 14 April 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11wiadomosci.onet.plhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/111928608,12,item.html>.

Artur Górski ‘Interpelacja nr 2505', 09 September 2008 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11www.gover.plhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11k6http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11poslowiehttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11szczegolyInterpelacjihttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11poselhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11gorski-arturhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11interpelacjahttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11zapytanie-w-sprawie-wydania-na-litwie-pocztowki-przypisuj-261-cej-marsza-322-kowi-jozefowi-pi-322-sudskiemu-ludobojstwo-narodu-l>.

‘Orlen sprzedaje Możejki' PAP, 10 April 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11gielda.onet.plhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/110,1952081,wiadomosci.html>.

‘Litewskie media: prognozy gospodarcze KE są zbyt optymistyczne' PAP, 15 June 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11biznes.onet.plhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/112,1964616,wiadomosci.html>.

‘Litwa: sieci handlowe chcą zmienić zwyczaje obywateli' IAR, 11 May 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11biznes.onet.plhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/110,1968221,wiadomosci.html>.

27 May 2009 <http:http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11http://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11www.quoteland.comhttp://journalisticreview.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2016/11topic.asp?CATEGORY_ID=418>.

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